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Underground
Weatherpeople
at home
by
Thomas
Waugh
from Jump
Cut, no. 12/13, 1976, pp. 11-13
copyright Jump Cut: A Review of Contemporary Media, 1976, 2004 UNDERGROUND
has surfaced at last. When the much heralded film on the Weather Underground
by Emile de Antonio, Mary Lampson, and Haskell Wexler finally opened early
in May, it was a relief to see that it had all been worth it.
It was almost a year since the federal subpoenas on the film-in-progress
had blown the cover of the most delicate film operation this side of Uruguay.
The subpoenas had led to a brouhaha of no small dimensions, with a whole
array of liberal editorialists and Hollywood luminaries rushing to the
defense of the First Amendment. Now the result of all this commotion has
quietly appeared. Although the ripples it has set off are nothing compared
to those of HEARTS AND MINDS a few seasons back, UNDERGROUND is still
a major film, by no means an anti-climax to the cloak and dagger, cat-and-mouse
maneuvers and the civil liberties outcry that preceded it. By any standard,
UNDERGROUND is an important intervention into the debate about the course
of the Left in post-Vietnam United States.
The word on the grapevine for weeks before the opening had been that the
film was excruciatingly boring, admittedly a potential liability for any
feature-length interview with five faceless militants in a closed-in space.
But people feared that worse than boring, the film would be a serious
embarrassment to the radical community as well. A widely publicized film
endorsing such questionable politics as those of the Weatherpeople could
only be a weapon in the hands of the status quo, just as the media circus
around the Symbionese Liberation Army had proven to be.
There
has also been considerable impatience among some radicals with de Antonio
himself. Since his 1963 denunciation of Joseph McCarthy with POINT OF
ORDER, he has been the most widely distributed and probably the most accomplished
of U.S. filmmakers on the left. However, there has been some uneasiness
about the occasional ideological ambivalence of his work, especially that
of PAINTERS PAINTING, his last film before UNDERGROUND, an examination
of New York avant-garde painting since the war. There have also been complaints
about his undeniably individualist presence and his allegedly divisive
behavior within the radical community. It was uncertain whether the veteran
documentarist’s fascination with the Weatherpeople stemmed from a legitimate
political interest or from either radical chic or encroaching senility.
The
other possibility was that the contradictions that had been latent in
his films since the very beginning had finally come to the fore. Basically
some criticized the futility of his reliance on the commercial circuit
of the liberal, “prestige” documentary as a forum for addressing
the issue of social change in the United States. However justifiable such
reservations about de Antonio might have been in the past, they must now
be tabled indefinitely in the face of this solid new work.
UNDERGROUND has confronted the project’s detractors by being both decidedly
watchable in filmic terms, indeed compelling, and in political terms,
a document of unassailable relevance. Only those radicals can afford to
dismiss the film who reject out of hand the importance of continuing dialogue
within that urban liberal and campus audience that the film will certainly
reach. Such a dialogue, to be sure, must be a complement to more concrete
agitation and organization among working people and minorities. But in
itself this dialogue has an undeniable role within the context of a heterogeneous
and nonsectarian Left. In the U.S. situation, such a left presence must
surely be nourished by the consciences of intellectual and liberal groups
as well as by the revolutionary consciousness of the oppressed.
It is perhaps the film’s very emergence as an underground film that is
at first most compelling. It is an underground film in the real sense,
a kind of U.S. samizdat if you will, subversive as the innocuous
Soho stuff they used to call underground never was. As viwers see the
film, they confront the backs of the fugitives’ heads or the gauze scrim
that occasionally shields their faces from us (four or five different
such setups are alternated, for visual variety, I assume). The audience
hears a Weatherman interrupt the discussion to ask Wexler, the cameraperson,
with almost panic insistence if the camera had not just accidentally caught
his face. We may marvel at the bravado of the street interviews by two
Weatherpeople at the film’s end or catch ourselves trying to make cut
the details of a profile or a hairstyle. All these moments constantly
remind us of the other similar underground documents of film history,
those stirring but rare representatives of perhaps the most select genre
of them all.
One is reminded, for example, of Joris Ivens’ BORINAGE (1933) or his INDONESIA
CALLING (1946), the former a record of a Belgian miners’ strike. That
strike was filmed literally one step ahead of the police with the filmmakers
often saving the camera with its precious contents by throwing it from
hand to hand or by hiding equipment from police informers. One thinks
as well of the virtually forgotten tradition of U.S. labor newsreels of
the interwar years that stayed alive despite red scares and goon squads.
Or one thinks of the rare documents of racial oppression that have been
smuggled out of South Africa over the years. There is also ON EST AU COTON,
the legendary treatment of the Quebec textile industry that the National
Film Board commissioned from Denys Arcand in 1970 but hastily suppressed
as soon as they caught onto its subversive content. In this case, a pirated
video edition began its permanent circulation through the Montreal radical
subcultures immediately thereafter.
No doubt UNDERGROUND is most reminiscent of those countless underground
films from Latin America in the last decade. The most notable is, of course,
Fernando Solanas’ HOUR Or THE FURNACES, the four-and-a-half hour epic
of the Argentine struggle, filmed clandestinely over a period of years
and later distributed underground in super8—to this day, I hope.
The most exact parallel is with the Uruguayan short TUPAMAROS, like UNDERGROUND
based on interviews with fugitive revolutionaries, masked like the Weatherpeople
from public identification because of the very real danger which doesn't
take Costa-Gavras to help us imagine.
It is the aura of danger and the presence of courage that give such films
their dramatic intensity, quite apart from any purely aesthetic qualities
they may have. Indeed, the unavoidable roughness of the truly underground
film adds to its impact; our response to it as film per se is always tempered
by a special dispensation. In this light, it is curious that technically
UNDERGROUND suffers none of the shortcomings one expects from an underground
film. It had a healthy budget of $55,000, of which de Antonio and Wexler
each put up $5,000. The rest was raised from apparently well-heeled radicals.
It also had a professional crew and a leisurely post-shooting schedule,
all of which have guaranteed a film of considerable polish. Surely it
is only in a civilization based on repressive desublimation that an underground
film could look so good, not to mention have a gala benefit premier a
block from Lincoln Center. Nevertheless, the aura of risk and sacrifice
is still present, and my admiration for these courageous artists cannot
be withheld. It is not every U.S. filmmaker who risks imprisonment for
refusing to cooperate with a grand jury.
The history of the film is already well known, thanks to articles and
editorials in Rolling Stone and a good many newspapers at the
time of the subpoenas last summer. No doubt the initial publicity had
something to do with the embarrassed withdrawal of the subpoenas a short
time later. The feds saw that they had more face to lose in the outcry
than faces to gain in the footage, presumably long since well sanitized.
The harassment is not over apparently. Mysterious circumstances surrounding
the last minute elimination of the film from the running at Cannes seems
to be another link in the chain.
In
any case, the film is based on several days of interviews by the three
filmmakers in a “safe” California house with the five best known
members of the Weather Underground Organization—Bill Ayers, Kathy
Boudin, Bernadine Dohrn, Jeff Jones, Cathy Wilkerson. That organization
was the offspring of SDS in the early sixties of people who went underground
in 1970 after an explosion killed three of their members in their Greenwich
Village basement bomb factory that year.
The organization had electrified the U.S. Left by the clandestine publication
in July 1974 of Prairie Fire, a manifesto of their political
principles. Ever since, the group have been putting but a quarterly paper
called Osawatomie, named after an 1856 battle of John Brown and
his abolitionist followers against slave owners. The press on which the
organization personally prints their publications is shown in the film,
together with stills of their gloved hands compiling Prairie Fire.
The
group also claims responsibility for what they call “armed
propaganda,” to date a series of 24 symbolic bombings of political
targets, which,
as de Antonio repeatedly points out, are always executed with
professional
polish and no casualties. UNDERGROUND can in one way be seen
merely as
a filmic extension of Prairie Fire. But the film is ultimately
much more than a podium for the group’s views. The filmmakers have used
the interview format as a departure point for an historical analysis of
the past 15 years of radical action and an assessment of current and future
strategies for the Left.
Actually, the burst of harassment, and the subsequent spotlight
that surprised
the filmmakers last summer, have in the long run had a salutary
effect
on the film, and not only in providing priceless free media
exposure and
the ad copy: “The FBI doesn't want you to see UNDERGROUND.” The
surveillance began just after the crew had completed filming the
astonishing
person-on-the-street interviews that climax the film, so there
was no
interference with the actual shooting. It was in the editing
stage that
the film really evolved, under the publicity and paranoia, with
the interview
material serving as the base for the complex collage that slowly
developed.
Once the enterprise was put in the open, the filmmakers were
free to search
aggressively for the stock footage they needed to illustrate and
complete
the oral history that had emerged from their conversations. And
their
search paid off in one of the most vivid collections of filmic
documentation
from that period that has been compiled.
Although the original conception included the extensive use of stock material,
as might be expected in a de Antonio project, it is difficult to imagine
how it could have been achieved without letting the cat out of the bag.
As it stands, the film’s contributors now include many of the most prominent
radical filmmakers of the last decade. In addition the film includes the
usual efficient contributions from network camera persons who are customary
but rarely acknowledged in such projects. The film benefits greatly from
consequent expansion of its range of focu.: It becomes not only a study
of the origins and development of the Weather movement but also a history
of the entire U.S. Left over the past 15 years.
UNDERGROUND’s achievement as a work of historical investigation is of
course part of the continuity of de Antonio’s career. He has consistently
confirmed history as a crucial concern of U.S. radicals. And he has inevitably
relied on collage as the most expressive and rigorous means of pursuing
this concern on the screen. Topical issues have repeatedly served de Antonio
throughout his career as pretexts for such projects. With UNDERGROUND,
the growth of the New Left is traced from its roots in the civil rights
struggles of the early 60’s right through the South Boston anti-busing
riots of 1975. Hence, UNDERGROUND is not only a perspective of one particular
group of survivors of that period, although, as such it is a valuable
companion piece to MILESTONES—which, however much we might object
to Kramer’s and Douglas’s object and angle of focus, is also a suggestive
evocation of a specific group of castaways from the New Left. More importantly,
UNDERGROUND offers a contemplation of the history of an entire generation.
The answer to de Antonio’s blunt question put to the group early in the
film—“What the hell is essentially a white, middle-class,
revolutionary group doing in America in the year 1975?—is an exploration
of what it meant for all radicals to grow up in the 60’s and come of age
in the 70’s.
A viewer no doubt feels considerable interest in the details of underground
living, in the drama of narrow escapes and constant fear, and in the schizophrenic
ambience of normality and paranoia that radiates from the screen. But
the filmmakers and their subjects wisely downplay this automatic element
of fascination, providing only a few cloak-and-dagger anecdotes to appease
the Hollywood-whetted palate. Happily, the job is seen to be more serious
than the production of a documentary thriller.
Among the autobiographies that are more or less sketched in during the
course of the discussion, only those of Dohrn and Boudin go into personal
detail at length. This is regrettable insofar as the distinct outlines
of the five personae and their backgrounds are blurred. A heightened personalization
of the five might have made the film more palatable for a general audience
without compromising the film’s analytic task. I personally couldn't keep
the three women and two men apart, although my friend, the ex-SDSer, had
no trouble whatsoever.
In
any case, the group’s collective reminiscences link virtually all of the
causes that have enlisted the Left in a meaningful continuity over the
last 15 years. It is striking to see a medium more often attracted to
topicality than history and more often employed for synchronic analysis
rather than diachronic used in such a way. An entire succession of struggles
over the years are described as reactions to facets of a single system.
These include the struggle for rights for blacks and other third world
groups, anti-war mobilization, Native Peoples’ and Puerto Rican nationalist
movements, protests against the current crises of unemployment and urban
decay, and, perhaps most important in terms of the Weatherpeople’s internal
functioning, the feminist movement. (There is no reference to the related
agitation for the liberation of sexual minorities, an unfortunate lacuna,
I think, in view of various alternate modes of sexual community the Weatherpeople
are said to have experimented with.)
The film’s sense of the monolithic coherence of the System is articulated
with often startling perceptiveness. For example, lavish camera movements
of gleaming hotel complexes in Puerto Rico are abruptly transformed into
tracking shots along the devastated street fronts of the South Bronx,
while a Puerto Rican poet, Miguel Algarin, recites a stunning indictment
of the U.S. presence in his hometown. Such a juxtaposition is a brilliantly
succinct statement of the contradictions of our society. At one point
there is even a reference to the McCarthyite problem of the 50s and the
implication of this particular root of the New Left: Dohrn’s first memory
of politics is of watching the televised Army-McCarthy hearings of the
mid-50s, an event that ironically provided de Antonio with the raw material
for his debut as a radical filmmaker ten years later.
Excerpts from vintage news footage purchased by de Antonio and Lampson
document much of the history described. Their budget for stock acquisitions
was only $10,000, almost a fifth of their budget, and such material is
prohibitively expensive. This factor alone explains why radical film historiography
of this scope is seldom attempted. However, in this case, the bulk of
the stock material in the film, especially from the later years of the
period in question, was donated by various filmmaker friends of the three
filmmakers. As a result, passages from many of the major radical documentaries
of the last decade have found their way into the film, including a number
of the original Newsreel productions and such obvious choices as Gray
and Alk’s THE MURDER OF FRED HAMPTON, Chris Marker’s film on the Armies
of the Night Pentagon demonstrations, Cinda Firestone’s ATTICA, Wexler-Fonda-Hayden’s
INTRODUCTION TO THE ENEMY, Peter Biskind’s DON'T BANK ON AMERIKA, and,
of course, de Antonio’s own IN THE YEAR OF THE PIG.
As the collage unfolds, we see one by one the various strategies of opposition
over that time period being tested and analyzed. The actions go from non-violent
resistance at Maryland lunch counters and demonstrations in Selma to Martin
Luther King’s confrontation marches through white Chicago neighborhoods
not long before his death, to the armed resistance at Wounded Knee a few
years back. They move from the peaceful antiwar rallies and draft card
burnings of the early Vietnam years to the guerilla theatre of the Vietnam
Veterans against the War and the outbursts of spontaneous anger of the
famous 1969 Days of Rage in Chicago, or the Santa Barbara burning of the
Bank of America. Ultimately the Weatherpeople’s 1970 decision to take
the struggle underground and the tragic explosion that instigated that
decision are presented and analyzed. Then the succession of symbolic political
bombings that followed are enumerated and discussed.
One can also trace the development of revolutionary practice on the microcosmic
personal level in terms of the group’s internal dynamics. Here again it
is regrettable that the group resisted the filmmakers’ urge to go even
more deeply into this particular area. The evidence of personal and collective
growth since the late 60s—as shown by some striking period footage
of Dohrn, Ayers, and Jones—is one of the important revelations
of the film. Highly suggestive is the contrast between the glaring, haughty
radicals of those years, confronting cameras and reporters and haranguing
their followers, and the subdued patient manner of conversing in the present
interview.
One unfortunate gap in the film’s history of the Weather
Organization
seems partly the result of the conditions of the production—that
is, an explicit analysis of the group’s current tactics. No
doubt security
considerations forestalled any serious exploration of the
group’s present
interaction with any particular constituency other than their
propaganda
efforts. There are no real answers provided to the crucial
questions of
whether the group is working in romantic isolation, or whether
their revolutionary
practice is rooted in relations with working class or radical
communities.
One senses that the group attempted to address this absence by
their decision
to take the camera out onto the streets and into an L.A.
unemployment
center (not to mention the visit to the hospital strike at which
the FBI
finally discovered that something was cooking). The two
Weatherpeople’s
chats with a number of working people are impressive on their
own terms—a middle-aged white woman talks of lack of opportunities, a
welfare
mother complains of how little her check will buy, a Chicano
speaks in
Spanish of the economic crisis, However, such brief interviews
do not
provide any sense of the Weather Underground’s contact with such
people
other than through their media-oriented theatrics and their
publication.
One of the major insights of the group during their years underground
has apparently been the importance of self-criticism. The five have clearly
had a lot of time over the last five years to evaluate their own past
strategies. And as such, self-criticism becomes a major current of the
film, a continuation of a similar vein in Prairie Fire.
Not only
are the radical tactics of the entire period of the New Left
evaluated,
but the group members’ involvement in such tactics also comes up
for analysis. “We were arrogant,” they admit, and then talk about the
importance
of challenging their audience without condescending to it, of
real dialogue.
No doubt they do not go far enough in this direction. They can probably
be faulted for occasionally slipping dexterously, by a few obvious pretexts
for self-criticism, in the course of the interview. For example, when
Mary Lampson forthrightly asks whether the charges of adventurism and
terrorism against the group had ever been warranted, Dohrn neatly sidesteps
the question:
“We
believe in self-criticism. We believe it’s a major way in
which the
revolution moves forward. We have a responsibility to have a
strategy
that takes into account the ups and downs that it’s going to
go through,
and doesn't see only in the down an endless down, or only in
the up
an endless up. It’s doing to be a struggle that peaks, and
then rests,
and gathers back its strength, and learns from violence that’s
embedded
in the system. So the mistake was not taking into account the
long road—the whole thing—and understanding how much work was
going to have to go into organizing the people through every
form of
struggle, and every form of resistance, and every form of
fighting back—and focusing in on the one means of the struggle...”
Unfortunately, the filmmakers themselves occasionally indulge such reticence.
For example, a discussion of the group’s single most glaring error, the
Timothy Leary prison break fiasco, mentioned in Peter Biskind and Marc
Weiss’s article in Rolling Stone, has been edited out of the
finished film. Nonetheless, this tendency toward evasion is more the exception
than the rule: The overall spirit of the group’s self analysis is sincere
and hard-headed.
This self-critical tone of the discourse infects the entire filmic project
as well. Hence we are spared the embarrassment of an unmediated endorsement
of Weather politics by a constant reference to and analysis of the meaning
and purpose of the filmmaking enterprise itself. (De Antonio’s public
pronouncements on the Weather Organization usually lack this self-reflective
posture.) “What is the best way for us to make a film that moves
other people, that moves many people to feel that they can make a revolution
in this country?” This question, posed by Boudin at one point, is
a recurring preoccupation of the conversation. Self-interrogation is the
basic posture of the filmic discourse.
At one point, the Weatherpeople initiate a tense exchange about the goals
and the conditions of the filming by complaining of the discomfort and
artificiality of the setup. The position of a fugitive from the FBI complaining
of his leg falling asleep does more than set off nervous laughter among
the crew. It is a vivid reminder of the artifice of the filmic situation
and of the conditions of its address. At another point, a similar discussion
includes a recognition of the ambivalent political meaning of the project
and the film medium itself. Here is an admission that the overwhelming
array of equipment surrounding the five could possibly be used by either
the ruling class or the revolutionary class. Such frank self-questioning
subverts any tendency towards mystification. And it stops short romanticizing
the figure of the revolutionary that less restrained filmmakers might
have catered to.
Perhaps
it is Lampson’s influence that has been responsible for mediating de Antonio’s
enthusiasm for the Weatherpeople. Both she and Wexler had serious reservations
about the Underground’s politics and about the project itself. It is uncertain
what effect her collaboration with de Antonio has had on the film or will
have in the future. (Lampson was de Antonio’s editor on three of his previous
films and worked on ATTICA as well. Whether she will continue to express
her undeniable talent in collaboration or independently will be interesting
to see. It is not the first time that a silent and efficient woman assistant
of the 60s is claiming an equitable share of the top billing in the 70s,
and the process is not yet complete.)
The Village Voice effected a particularly vicious use of that
form of prior restraint that the Constitution permits New York film critics
(and which the FBI would do well to emulate, although on second thought
the critics do the feds’ job better and more subtly than they themselves
could). Its review declared, with a flash of typically devastating wit,
that UNDERGROUND was a “bomb” before it even opened and “of
very limited interest as cinema.” Whether there is any connection
between this ex cathedra pronouncement and the fact that the
film had to be yanked from its New York showplace after two weeks is hardly
a taxing question (in those cities in which it has been doing well, UNDERGROUND
was well received by the liberal press). In any case, contrary to the
Voice’s assessment, the Weatherpeople’s discussion is neither “boring,” nor is Wexler’s photography “static.” Instead,
the filmed interview material is austerely absorbing, contemplative, and
demanding. Perhaps the visual style of the interview, with its tendency
to emphasize random details and surface textures, teapots, and wristwatches,
is Bressonian (as the Rolling Stone article suggested in a turn
of phrase that must have made many readers switch channels). However,
the directness of its address and the relentlessness of its scrutiny are
surely evocative of late Godard or of Straub.
The
details of the curious
minimalism of the mise en scene are fascinating on their own
terms. When
we see the head-on faces of the filmmakers, Wexler is poised
and cool,
but the other two are anxiously and self-consciously engrossed
in their
subjects’ words. Silhouetted in the frame’s foreground are
rear view of
the Weatherpeople’s heads (seen in a mirrored reverse-shot
arrangement
which the filmmakers rely on most). A fascinating detail among
the spare,
bright furnishings of the room is a huge, quilted wall hanging
behind
the crew whose inscription is only gradually revealed in the
course of
the film, “The future will be what the people struggle to make
it.” (The quilt was the Underground’s present to the filmmakers at the
end
of the shooting.)
The filmmakers seem to have discovered, like Godard and Straub in their
distinct ways, how to employ visual bareness as a means of underlying
the auditory component of a scene. For, above all, UNDERGROUND is a film
to be listened to. The film derives much of its pace from the slow, deliberate
style of dialogue that the Weatherpeople have evolved in their five years
of underground communal living. As such, the work relies less than any
other de Antonio film on the dynamics of visual momentum or editorial
collision for its impact. At several points the film even pauses while
members of the group recite poems they have written—on the 1970
explosion, on the hatred aroused by the events in South Boston.
Near the
end, the screen is even blacked out while a Weatherwoman recites her poem
dedicated to Assata Shakur (the Black Liberation Army heroine currently
on trial), a poem about the loneliness and sacrifice involved in being
underground. It is a digression of unusual power (if the concept of digression
is permissible within that of collage). In any case, there is no question
but that the spectator must listen attentively to the deliberate but leisurely
unfolding of the conversation. In fact, spectators must listen even more
attentively than has been demanded by de Antonio’s films in the past,
films always notable for their discursive composition in the first place.
Such films as HEARTS AND MINDS rely on a node of address distinctly different
from this, their structural affinities to UNDERGROUND notwithstanding,
propelled solely through their visual energy. With UNDERGROUND, voices
and ideas are integrated with the images in a dialectic momentum that
is forceful and articulate.
In one sense, the austere visual style of the interviews provides a perfect
setting for the interpolated stock material. The structural opposition
of the interview passages with the archival passages can be well imagined
by those familiar with the work of de Antonio and his imitators. The interviews,
with their slow, deliberate, analytic rhythm and their contemplative tone,
have the effect of sharply setting off the inserts. And the visual inserts
have a black and white dramatic intensity and their connotations of the
turbulence and passion of that already thoroughly mythologized period.
There seem to be a few deficiencies the three filmmakers betray as filmmakers.
That is, there might have been more dynamic interplay between the groups
on either side of the camera and less feeling of intimidation on the part
of the filmmakers. However, such deficiencies are abundantly compensated
for by de Antonio and Lampson’s brilliance as editors. Again and again,
a point is made or a feeling explored by a masterful juxtaposition or
superimposition of contrasting filmic materials, visual and auditory,
present and past. One outstanding example is centered on the group’s discussion
of their coming to grips with the problem of sexism, both in terms of
their interior collective functioning and their outward political stance.
It is conducted as a voice over carried above late 60s footage showing
Jones and Ayers addressing a demonstration. Their masculinist posturing
and strutting behind the podium provide vivid flashback evidence here
for the voice-over critique, with its affirmation of the necessity of
strength and gentleness at the same time.
Elsewhere, a savagely brilliant montage evokes the ending of the Vietnam
war. It does so by using excerpts from films such as YEAR OF THE PIG and
INTRODUCTION TO THE ENEMY, as well as other footage from network and official
sources assembled by the editors. The sequence is introduced to the tune
of Phil Ochs’ “The War Is Over.” We see splendid Navy footage
showing a disabled U.S. helicopter plummeting from the deck of an aircraft-carrier
and floundering in the water. The progression of images that follows includes
rare, almost hagiographic footage of Ho Chi Minh, a confident interview
with Mme. Binh, a glimpse of smiling women militia, and then a MILLHOUSE-style
montage of Agnew and Kissinger giving identical goodbye waves from airliner
ramps, as Ochs resurges on the soundtrack. The topical and structural
center of the sequence then appears. We hear a Presidential announcement
by Ford that the war is over and a sharp contradiction by a Weather woman’s
voice over: “We are not going to let the war be over.” The discussion
that ensues, an affirmation of the priority of people over technology,
of people as the subject of history, continues over long eerie slow-motion
movements from a U.S. bomber showing jungle landscapes bursting into flames,
their colors distilled with surreal brittleness. More MILLHOUSE rhetoric
is next. A collage follows of the Saigon branches of U.S. multinationals
and some footage of the Nixons deplaning, all smiles and waves, at a Saigon
airbase. At the same time, the Dylan song that gave the Weather Organization
its name provides the musical coda to the sequence. De Antonio has lost
none of his passionate anger, his caustic wit, nor his acute political
insight in the years since THE YEAR OF THE PIG.
The film’s appeal, then, as will be clear from this passage, is
by no
means solely intellectual. Its predominantly analytic approach
is often
balanced by a rhetoric that is as gut-level as the declamatory
and emotional
Vietnam sequence. The Dylan and Ochs songs, for instance, are
not the
only use of music in this direction. Elsewhere, snatches of the
same music,
as well as of Nine Simone’s “There’s a New World Coming” capture
the flavor of the era the film is trying to evoke. The Simone
song, for
example, is played climactically over the concluding shots of
Native People
activists at Wounded Knee, contemplated in stoic, silhouetted
close up,
rifle at the ready. As a kind of theme music for the film, these
songs
impart a tone of stirring optimism to the project as a whole.
This tone,
stemming in no small way from the confident pragmatism of the
Weatherpeople
themselves, is reinforced, it is true, by a sense of nostalgia
for the
days when a revolution did seem to be going on in the streets.
And such
nostalgia will no doubt be inferred from much of the film’s
stock footage—in the almost beatific aura of the clips of black martyrs,
Malcolm
X, King, and Fred Hampton, for example. But this enthralling,
almost innocent
optimism is also a product of a hard-headed materialist
analysis. It is
inspired by the Vietnamese victory against all odds, and by the
growing
base of the movement for change in the United States, not by any
deluded
estimation of the impact of underground resistance within the
fortress
of monopoly capitalism itself. As Dohrn puts it in the film:
“The
lessons of the war are subversive... If you understand what happened
in the Vietnamese war and why the Vietnamese defeated the U.S., it makes
the possibility and the inevitability of revolution in the United States
very clear. The United States government is not invincible. It didn't
exist for all time, and it’s not going to exist for all time.”
It is a lesson Peter Davis had neither the courage nor the insight to
induce in HEARTS AND MINDS, nor Emile de Antonio in any previous films
in an unequivocal way, for that matter. But here it is repeated with contagious
confidence.
If de Antonio, Lampson and Wexler now succeed in bringing this message
to a substantial audience along with the crucial questions that are part
of that message, it will be of utmost importance for the U.S. Left. At
this point plans for a TV sales pitch are being formed but are still provisional
upon the theatrical showing. But even within the liberal and campus constituency
for such a film, if the stereotype of the committed revolutionary as a
lunatic terrorist has been demystified by the image of these earnest,
dedicated, tea-drinking people; if the media theme of the failure of the
New Left has been subverted; if the possibility of negative discourse
has been extended; then UNDERGROUND is a film for which we cannot but
be grateful.
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