Abstract

This thesis explores the syntactic structure of Mi'gmaq (Algonquian) restricted relative clauses. Mi'gmaq relative clauses have a unique construction where numerals and quantifiers (N/Qs) modifying the relative head may be displaced from the relative head. There are three distributional patterns where a N/Q may appear: (i) with the head noun; (ii) in a phrase-final position; (iii) one N/Q with the head noun and one N/Q in a phrase-final position, however, the two N/Qs must be identical. Evidence from semantic identity and quantifier scope ambiguities demonstrates that the displaced NAQs are internal to the relative clause.

I argue that the raising structures (Kayne 1994, Bianchi 2000, Bhatt 2002) are unable to account for the Mi'gmaq data. Therefore, a movement-alone based account is rejected as a viable structure for Mi'gmaq relative clauses. To that end I adopt the matching structures as proposed in Sauerland (1998), Hulsey and Sauerland (2006). However, the matching structure, where the external and internal head must match in semantic identity, makes the wrong predictions. I propose a matching structure that require the lexical matching analysis, where the external and internal head must match in lexical identity in structurally identical chunks, rather then in semantic identity. The lexical matching analysis is extended to Mi'gmaq under several assumptions on the syntax of the Mi'gmaq nominal domain.